Contributors: Ritu Parchure, Anuj Ghanekar, Aditya Chunekar, Vinay Kulkarni

There's a predictable pattern of noise in the air. Around December, air pollution dominates the discussions (thanks to the Delhi AQI!). As we approach summer, the attention shifts towards Heat Preparedness. The attention is certainly due. The impending Heat Challenge is not only humongous but also very complex. There are still many blind spots regarding ground-level vulnerabilities and resilience-building actions. While scientific deliberations to identify solutions gather momentum, the most vulnerable among people, especially informal workers, who bear the heat, continue to labor in the Sun. Rarely are their voices heard. There is no knowledge about what they think of their risks, vulnerabilities, and coping. Such narratives are useful evidence that can realign attention to the 'real needs' on the ground as we manoeuvre the maze of blind spots. As part of an ongoing study by Prayas, we listened to the lived experiences of the three designated highly vulnerable groups – street vendors, manual labourers, and construction workers – and sought to understand their perceptions of rising heat and associated risks, as well as their ways of dealing with it.

We present the voices of the street vendors here.

We interacted with 358 street vendors from Pune city in the summer of 2025 through in-depth qualitative interviews and a survey.ⁱ In this article, we discuss the learnings from this research, juxtapose them with Heat Actions' current strategies, and deliberate on the need for strategic realignments responsive to real-world conditions. Based on our analysis and understanding, we propose some forward-looking actions.

Moving towards Continuous, Contextual, and Enabling Communication

The lived experiences of street vendors suggest that heat stress is not just an infrequent episodic disaster. It is a constant exposure throughout the summer. They understand extreme heat through their bodily troubles and economic losses, not by looking at thermometer readings or tracking temperature charts. Most are unaware of the temperature thresholds linked to early warnings or their significance. The only fatal outcome some of them have heard of is heat stroke. The main sources of this information are their social networks and media. The media briefings focus only on the heat stroke deaths. In Pune city, heatstroke cases have been few and far between. This misperception has led to the belief that it is a problem that happens somewhere else, not here. They are unaware of other potentially fatal health consequences (e.g., cardiovascular, renal, or respiratory mortality). Their self-reports point to a high burden of heat-related illnesses, but it is not acknowledged as a serious health concern. They feel they can push through more intense heat because they are habituated to it.

In this context, the existing temperature threshold-based early warnings make little sense. It is important to move towards well-being-centric, relatable communication through appropriate channels and to make it more relatable. Key characteristics of such communication would include  

• Moving beyond generic 'Dos and Don'ts', a more enabling two-way communication that helps people recognize their own risks, and provides context-compatible practical guidance. Blanket advice can often be impractical. However, greater awareness of risk can support informed decisions within existing constraints and strengthen people's ability to demand support.
• Promoting ongoing dialogue, rather than episodic, by integrating heat-related communication into existing health programs and outreach.

Uncovering the invisible heat health impacts

In the Maharashtra State adaptation plan for heat-related illnesses, district prioritisation seems to be largely determined by the number of reported heatstroke deaths. Consequently, places like Pune, with very few or no such cases, tend to receive relatively lower priority. However, a previous study from Puneⁱⁱ had estimated that heat-attributable mortality in the city far exceeded the reported heatstroke deaths. In the recent past, the temperatures in this so-called non-hot-spot city have risen sharply.ⁱⁱⁱ Beyond that, localized exposures often exceed the 40 degrees Celsius threshold, even when a heatwave warning is not issued, as city-level temperatures remain sub-40. There were many narratives in our study that described vendors' experiences of the urban heat island effect. Additionally, their working environments were such that protection from heat was not feasible. Several other factors further contributed to their vulnerability. E.g., in our study, the prevalence of chronic non-communicable diseases was high among street vendors. A considerable proportion of vendors were elderly. These attributes (old age and pre-existing diseases) are known risk factors for adverse health outcomes. The majority of vendors sought care in the private healthcare sector. The uptake of health insurance was very low. Healthcare seeking was delayed to minimize out-of-pocket healthcare expenditures.

The disease and death toll resulting from these overlapping vulnerabilities (e.g., heat-associated cardiac, renal, and respiratory ailments) remains uncounted in existing heat-health surveillance systems.^iv It focuses mainly on heat stroke cases, which are just the tip of the iceberg. Health preparedness will be an illusion if we don't acknowledge and plan for the hidden mass of the iceberg.

The heat-health surveillance and risk communication are important elements of existing heat-health adaptation plans. A greater emphasis is needed on capturing and addressing the invisible health outcomes.

• The reporting on indicators such as emergency cardiovascular admissions needs to be improved. The granular level analysis of this data could be valuable in shaping locally appropriate preparedness measures.
• The private healthcare sector is a dominant healthcare provider in urban areas. It needs to be brought within the ambit of existing heat-health surveillance.
• The existing programs, such as non-communicable diseases, have a targeted reach to people who are more sensitive to heat-health impacts. They can serve as entry points to identify, monitor, and respond to the invisible health impacts of heat. 

Addressing the conflicts arising from work informality

Extreme heat not only harms health but also reduces income and productivity among outdoor workers.^v Income takes precedence over health and well-being in an informal work context, as prioritizing health can threaten immediate survival. For example, vendors in our study experienced reduced customers and spoilage of goods due to rising heat. Heat-related illnesses caused work absenteeism, leading to wage loss. There was no safety net for such losses. The economic burden was more worrisome to them than the physical discomfort from the heat. To recover the losses, they worked longer despite the intense heat, risking even greater exposure. Also, the outdoor informal workplace posed practical difficulties. E.g., how does one drink adequate water if there are no clean toilets near the workplace? How does one protect from direct exposure when putting up an umbrella or polythene shade is banned by the urban local body? There is a larger conflict at play: the informal nature of the work is at odds with heat adaptation. To cope with heat stress, vendors increasingly rely on public spaces (such as streets and footpaths) to erect temporary shade and store water. At the same time, the city administration may view the action as unauthorized occupation of space. There are also concerns about traffic congestion and pedestrian obstruction. Those with licenses at least have some recourse under the Street Vendors Act (2014)^vi, but for those without a license, they either don't exist officially or their existence is illegal.

A balanced approach that accommodates vendors' need for heat protection while also addressing concerns about land use is needed.

• The Street Vendors Act ensures vendors' well-being (access to water, toilets, and shade). Operational guidelines are needed to implement these provisions. There is also a need to mainstream the heat agenda in urban planning.
• The structural and financial solutions in Heat Action Plans need to be tailored to the vendor's ground reality. Otherwise, they may not work in practice. For instance, asking vendors to take a break during peak heat is unrealistic unless they have a way to store their goods safely. The adoption of heat-protective cotton clothing depends on its affordability. Close engagement with affected communities can help identify practical needs, refine technical solutions, and ensure their usability at the market level.

While short-term measures are essential for immediate relief, they can only make the heat marginally more bearable. Sustained and substantial reduction in health harms will require long-term strategies that build resilience across systems, services, and communities.

Communities are not just passive beneficiaries but active agents of change

Our study among street vendors brings out hidden vulnerabilities by understanding lived realities. At the same time, it also shows how people cope with them in different ways. Such responses have been both individual and collective. Their impacts have not been measured because, in the current scheme of things, it has not been acknowledged that communities also have wisdom. Their resilience over the years is built on such accumulated wisdom. Systematically engaging with such knowledge can greatly benefit the process of contextualizing Heat Actions.

The urban informal workforce, being diverse and mobile, typically has weaker social connections and limited spaces to come together or share information. This makes knowledge sharing and partnership building challenging. Creating and nurturing such spaces is essential. By providing the right information and involving people in shaping solutions, existing community knowledge can be leveraged.

Vulnerable communities need not be treated merely as passive beneficiaries of aid; they can be active agents of change.

Endnotes

[i] Prayas (2026, April) Rising Temperatures, Silent Suffering: Lived Experiences of Heat Stress and Its Impact on Health among Street Vendors.

[ii] de Bont J et al, Impact of heatwaves on all-cause mortality in India: A comprehensive multi-city study.

Environmental International. 2024;184:108461.

[iii] Prayas, No one likes it hot (and humid): Summer weather patterns in Maharashtra, March 2025. https://energy.prayaspune.org/our-work/article-and-blog/no-one-likes-it-hot-and-humid

[iv] Government of India, National Action Plan on Heat Related Illnesses. Ministry of Health & Family Welfare; 2021.

[v] Venugopal V., Latha P.K. & Shanmugam R. Quantifying the impact of heat stress on labour productivity in outdoor workplaces in Southern India amid a changing climate. Sci Rep (2026).

[vi] Government of India. (2014). The Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014.

Please contact Ritu Parchure (This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.) for questions or comments on this article.